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Black women medications safe while breastfeeding buy cheap sinemet 300 mg, all were in some way affected by intersecting oppressions of race medications 1 cheap 300mg sinemet free shipping, gender symptoms 6 weeks buy sinemet 300mg on-line, and class symptoms checklist order sinemet 110 mg with amex. At the same time, these same social conditions simultaneously stimulated distinctive patterns of U. Black women intellectuals have found themselves in outsider-within positions in many academic endeavors (Hull et al. Prevented from becoming full insiders in any of these areas of inquiry, Black women remained in outsider-within locations, individuals whose marginality provided a distinctive angle of vision on these intellectual and political entities. Walker describes how her outsider-within location influenced her thinking: "I believe. Developing Black Feminist Thought Starting from the assumption that African-American women have created independent, oppositional yet subjugated knowledges concerning our own subordination, contemporary U. Black women intellectuals are engaged in the struggle to reconceptualize all dimensions of the dialectic of oppression and activism as it applies to African-American women. Central to this enterprise is reclaiming Black feminist intellectual traditions (see. Black women thinkers who were so extraordinary that they did manage to have their ideas preserved. In some cases this process involves locating unrecognized and unheralded works, scattered and long out of print. For example, burgeoning scholarship by and about Black lesbians reveals a diverse and complex history. Reinterpreting existing works through new theoretical frameworks is another dimension of developing Black feminist thought. Within Black feminist historiography the tremendous strides that have been made in U. Developing Black feminist thought also involves searching for its expression in alternative institutional locations and among women who are not commonly perceived as intellectuals. As defined in this volume, Black women intellectuals are neither all academics nor found primarily in the Black middle class. Black women who somehow contribute to Black feminist thought as critical social theory are deemed to be "intellectuals. For example, nineteenth-century Black feminist activist Sojourner Truth is not typically seen as an intellectual. We do not know what Truth actually said, only what the recorder claims that she said. Despite this limitation, in that speech Truth reportedly provides an incisive analysis of the definition of the term woman forwarded in the mid-1800s: That man over there says women need to be helped into carriages, and lifted over ditches, and to have the best place everywhere. Nobody ever helps me into carriages, or over mud puddles, or gives me any best place! I could work as much and eat as much as a man-when I could get it-and bear the lash as well! Her life as a second-class citizen has been filled with hard physical labor, with no assistance from men. By deconstructing the concept woman, Truth proved herself to be a formidable intellectual. Examining the contributions of women like Sojourner Truth suggests that the concept of intellectual must itself be deconstructed. Furthermore, not all highly educated Black women, especially those who are employed in U. Rather, doing intellectual work of the sort envisioned within Black feminism requires a process of self-conscious struggle on behalf of Black women, regardless of the actual social location where that work occurs. These are not idle concerns within new power relations that have greatly altered the fabric of U. Race, class, and gender still constitute intersecting oppressions, but the ways in which they are now organized to produce social injustice differ from prior eras. Just as theories, epistemologies, and facts produced by any group of individuals represent the standpoints and interests of their creators, the very definition of who is legitimated to do intellectual work is not only politically contested, but is changing (Mannheim 1936; Gramsci 1971). Reclaiming Black feminist intellectual traditions involves much more than developing Black feminist analyses using standard epistemological criteria. Black women are, in fact, intellectuals, and on their seeming dedication to contributing to Black feminist thought raises new questions about the production of this oppositional knowledge. For example, the music of working-class Black women blues singers of the 1920 and 1930s is often seen as one important site outside academia for this intellectual tradition (Davis 1998). Black women to procure jobs in higher education and the media, this may continue to be the case. This requires acknowledging not only how African-American women outside of academia have long functioned as intellectuals by representing the interests of Black women as a group, but how this continues to be the case. At the same time, many Black women academics struggle to find ways to do intellectual work that challenges injustice. They know that being an academic and an intellectual are not necessarily the same thing. Black women have entered faculty positions in higher education in small but unprecedented numbers. On the one hand, acquiring the prestige enjoyed by their colleagues often required unquestioned acceptance of academic norms. On the other hand, many of these same norms remain wedded to notions of Black and female inferiority. Surviving these challenges requires new ways of doing Black feminist intellectual work. Developing Black feminist thought as critical social theory involves including the ideas of Black women not previously considered intellectuals- many of whom may be working-class women with jobs outside academia-as well as those ideas emanating from more formal, legitimated scholarship. Musicians, vocalists, poets, writers, and other artists constitute another group from which Black women intellectuals have emerged. Building on African-influenced oral traditions, musicians in particular have enjoyed close association with the larger community of African-American women constituting their audience. Producing intellectual work is generally not attributed to Black women artists and political activists. Especially in elite institutions of higher education, such women are typically viewed as objects of study, a classification that creates a false dichotomy between scholarship and activism, between thinking and doing. In contrast, examining the ideas and actions of these excluded groups in a way that views them as subjects reveals a world in which behavior is a statement of philosophy and in which a vibrant, both/and, scholar/activist tradition remains intact. Investigations of four basic components of Black feminist thought-its thematic content, its interpretive frameworks, its epistemological approaches, and its significance for empowerment-constitute the core of this volume. In this volume, I aim to describe, analyze, explain the significance of, and contribute to the development of Black feminist thought as critical social theory. First, I summarize selected core themes in Black feminist thought by surveying their historical and contemporary expression. Drawing primarily on the works of AfricanAmerican women scholars and on the thought produced by a wide range of Black women intellectuals, I explore several core themes that preoccupy Black women thinkers. The vast majority of thinkers discussed in the text are, to the best of my knowledge, U. Black women have a monopoly on the ideas presented but because I aim to demonstrate the range and depth of thinkers who exist in U. At the same time, Black feminist thought cannot be developed in isolation from the thought and actions of other groups. Thus, I also include the ideas of diverse thinkers who make important contributions to developing Black feminist thought. Black women must be in charge of Black feminist thought, but being in charge does not mean that others are excluded. Using and furthering an interpretive framework or paradigm that has come to be known as race, class, and gender studies constitute a second objective of Black Feminist Thought. Rejecting additive models of oppression, race, class, and gender studies have progressed considerably since the 1980s.
At about the time Mather left the directorship medicine 8 iron stylings cheap sinemet 125mg on-line, Horace Albright reported that Congress was considering more than twenty bills for new parks medications migraine headaches sinemet 110 mg low price, but that most of these ``lacked merit medicine 029 cheap 300 mg sinemet with mastercard. For instance symptoms 1dpo order 125mg sinemet with mastercard, Mather opposed creating a park out of the colorful, eroded lands of southwestern North Dakota (much later to become Theodore Roosevelt National Park) because, echoing the Lane Letter, he believed they lacked the ``quality of supreme beauty required by National Park standards. Indeed, largely as a means of relieving pressure on the national parks, Mather convened a conference on state parks in 1921 to encourage growth of these local systems. Advocating a ``State Park Every Hundred Miles,' the National Park Service agreed to assist the states in their park programs. The 1921 conference signaled a significant step toward involvement with affairs external to the national parks, which efforts would grow dramatically during the New Deal era. Its leadership assumed that its unique mandate to leave parks unimpaired did not require special scientific skills and perceptions different from those used in more explicitly utilitarian land management. Instead, as Mather claimed in 1917, scientific assistance from other bureaus could be ``had for the asking'-and the Service borrowed scientists as well as their resource management strategies. In the same year that the Work Letter appeared, Mather, attempting to prove that the Park Service was avoiding needless duplication of government functions, listed the federal bureaus on whose expertise the Service relied. At least six bureaus, representing the departments of Interior, Agriculture, and Commerce, were named as substantial contributors to natural resource management in the parks. With the Park Service borrowing scientific expertise, its natural resource management programs under Mather were to a large extent imitative rather than innovative. The Park Service sought to present to the public an idealized setting of tranquil pastoral scenes with wild animals grazing in beautiful forests and meadows bounded by towering mountain peaks and deep canyons. Mather described the parks as having a kind of primeval glory, ``prolific with game' grazing in ``undisturbed majesty and serenity. To Park Service leadership, the vision of a serene, verdant landscape seemed to equate to an unimpaired park. Maintaining such a setting amounted to facade management-preserving the scenic facade of nature, the principal basis for public enjoyment. As before the Park Service was established, natural resource management focused on husbanding certain flora and fauna: forests, fish, and large grazing mammals, primarily the species that contributed most to public enjoyment of the parks. Indeed, the Park Service conducted a kind of ranching and farming operation to maintain the productivity and presence of favored species. Those species that threatened the favored plants and animals had to be sacrificed-eradicated, or reduced to a point where they would not affect populations of the more desired flora and fauna. The management of nature in the national parks took into account the benefits to be reaped outside park boundaries as well. For example, both Mather and Albright approved predator control programs partly to protect Perpetuating Tradition 71 livestock on lands adjacent to the parks. In the manner of wildlife refuges being established by the Biological Survey, Mather noted in his annual report of 1924 that wildlife moving out of the parks to adjacent lands where they could be hunted provided ``one of the important factors wherein the national parks contribute economically to the surrounding territory. In this regard, Horace Albright told the 1924 conference of the American Game Protective Association that if state governments were cooperative in game conservation, ``there will always be good hunting around several of the big parks. Nevertheless, poaching remained a serious concern, and rangers patrolled park boundaries and interior areas, scouting for evidence of illegal hunting. The Predator Problem Of all of the natural resource management efforts in the parks, the most controversial was the killing of predators in order to protect more popular species. Predator control efforts in the parks were in accord with the ongoing, nationwide campaign to control carnivorous enemies of domestic livestock, as demanded by farmers and ranchers and promoted by the Biological Survey. Determined to keep the national parks unimpaired, the Service acted as though the predators themselves were impairments-threats to be dealt with before they destroyed the peaceful scenes it wished to maintain. Mather 72 Perpetuating Tradition believed predator control helped increase the populations of the ``important species of wild animals,' and he once stated that the national parks offered sanctuaries to all wildlife ``except predatory animals. Albright saw predator control as a means of protecting those ``species of animals desirable for public observation and enjoyment,' and declared that the ``enemies of those species must be controlled. From its beginning the Service practiced predator control ``with thoroughness' (as an internal report later put it) and developed an expanded list of undesirable predatory animals- at times including the cougar, wolf, coyote, lynx, bobcat, fox, badger, mink, weasel, fisher, otter, and marten. For a time during the 1920s, rangers destroyed pelican eggs in an effort to reduce the numbers of pelicans in Yellowstone and protect trout populations to enhance sport fishing. Perhaps the most noted was Jay Bruce, ``official cougar killer' for the State of California (whom Mather once had entertain visitors to Yosemite with tales of killing mountain lions). Yosemite superintendent Washington (``Dusty') Lewis reported in 1919 that in the previous three or four years, Bruce had killed more than fifty cougars in or near the park. Reflecting the policy of borrowing expertise from other agencies, Mather commented in 1926 that most predator control in the parks was conducted by rangers or by the Biological Survey. In parks such as Zion, Rocky Mountain, Glacier, and Grand Canyon, the Biological Survey supplied its own hunters or supervised contract hunters. Its classification of which animals were harmful predators was generally accepted as a guide by the Park Service. The survey further influenced the Service in the means by which predators were exterminated: not only shooting, but poisoning, trapping, and tracking with dogs. Furthermore, the Park Service obtained Perpetuating Tradition 73 support from state game and fish offices, especially in California, which supplied hunters (like cougar killer Jay Bruce) and information on predator and prey species. The predator programs came under increasing criticism beginning in about the mid-1920s. Critics focused on the methods of control (especially the use of poisons and steel traps); the lack of scientific information to justify the programs; and, most fundamentally, the very idea of killing predators in the national parks. Moreover, by the early 1920s some parks had begun to report that the largest predators (wolves and cougars) were disappearing. Glacier, Yellowstone, and Rocky Mountain indicated in 1923 and 1924 that wolves and cougars were reduced to the point of extinction, making it unprofitable to hire special hunters. It is possible that both species were eradicated from these parks by the mid-1920s. Even though extinction of large predators was taking place in some parks, official and unofficial pronouncements of the Service began to maintain that it was only reducing predator populations, not eliminating them. In their 1922 conference, the superintendents stated that some nuisance animals such as the porcupine and the pelican should be reduced in number, but not eliminated. In all cases they agreed that predators should be killed only when they threatened ``the natural balance of wild life. Yet others continued their programs, as at Rocky Mountain National Park, where in 1922 Superintendent Roger Toll initiated a cooperative effort with the Biological Survey to poison predators or track them with dogs. Toll later stated that he wanted the predators reduced to the ``lowest practicable numbers' and that the park had too many predators ``for the good of the game. These groups and their allies expressed concern that predator control did not have an adequate scientific basis, and stressed their views that predators had a natural place in the parks. In March 1929, two months after Mather left office, Director Albright reported to the secretary of the interior that predators were being ``controlled but not eliminated. Although parks such as Mount Rainier and Sequoia had largely discontinued predator control, Yellowstone aggressively killed coyotes throughout the Mather era and beyond. He pledged the Park Service to maintain ``examples of the various interesting North American mammals under natural conditions for the pleasure and education of the visitors and for the purpose of scientific study. In the years ahead, the new policy would be observed in varying degrees by Perpetuating Tradition 75 different park superintendents. Indeed, Albright himself would staunchly advocate the continued killing of certain predators. In his annual reports to the secretary of the interior, Mather regularly and enthusiastically commented on wildlife management activities in the national parks. Yet the 1918 Lane Letter mentioned wildlife only in passing, merely stating that for the ``care of wild animals' the Service would use experts from other bureaus. Army had established in the early twentieth century in an effort to save the species from extinction in the United States. With activities centered at the Buffalo Ranch in the Lamar Valley of northeastern Yellowstone, the Service continued the practice of treating bison much like domestic livestock. There the bison were fed hay raised on approximately six hundred acres of plowed, seeded, and irrigated park land-the most intensive of several haying operations in the park (and one that lasted until 1956). In the corrals, the keepers separated the calves, then castrated many of the young bulls to reduce the number of intact males, who were usually difficult to manage. Despite problems with disease, by early 1929 the herd had reached a population of about 950, up from fewer than 50 when the program began in 1902. Already, as a means of thinning the herd, the park sold bison to be slaughtered for market. The first slaughtering occurred in 1925, when Mather gave permission for seventeen animals to be killed in conjunction with ``Buffalo Plains Week,' a local summer celebration.
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