James L. Gutmann DDS, Cert Endo, PhD, FICD, FACD, FADI

• Professor Emeritus, Baylor College of Dentistry, Texas A & M
• University System, Dallas, Texas, USA

Moreover antibiotics for sinus infection doxycycline cheap clindamycin 300 mg with visa, as Fanon notes antibiotics quiz questions discount clindamycin 150 mg online, the decolonization process was a global phenomenon virus 28 buy clindamycin 150 mg otc, influenced both by other anti-colonial struggles antimicrobial xylitol cheap 150mg clindamycin overnight delivery. This involves opposition to Western ways of representing and organizing the world and the peoples in it-a struggle over who decides and controls how different cultures are interpreted and represented virus protection program buy 300mg clindamycin with amex. For example virus removal mac purchase clindamycin 300 mg with amex, independence left many states with borders that had been established arbitarily by colonial rulers. As a result, many newly independent states were forced to manage a poisonous legacy of colonialism, as certain ethnic groups were divided by states while other ethnic groups were empowered by state geography to divide and rule competing ethnic groups. The disjuncture between state geography and ethnic geography has been a major source of tension and conflict in post-colonial Africa. This process often took place with the active support of Western states and institutions, who through so-called "development programmes" helped establish what Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, a leading advocate of panAfricanism, called neocolonialism. An example of this process was the regime of General Joseph Mobutu established in Zaire. Although American foreign policy was constantly cloaked in the rhetoric of anticommunism, it was, nevertheless, intimately connected with its economic interests in the region. The history of United States foreign policy in the region is also the history of its support for local elites favourable to its interests. The close alliance between those who control political and economic power within the region and the military and economic might of the U. Prominent among the intellectual challenges were a group of scholars known as "dependency theorists. The analysis of dependency included a variety of related theories including those formulated by the Economic Commission for Latin America (see Love, 1980; Frank, 1967, 1978; Dos Santos, 1970; Cardoso, 1972; Emmanuel, 1972; Amin, 1976; and Cardoso and Faletto, 1979). Dependency theory focused on the unequal economic and political exchange that took place between the advanced capitalist countries (the "core") and the developing countries (the "periphery"). The economies of the periphery were seen as conditioned by, and dependent upon, the development and expansion of economies in the core. The process of development was seen as selective, reinforcing the accumulation of wealth in the core at the expense of the periphery. Dependency was seen as both the relationship between states-an industrialized core and an impoverished periphery-and also the unequal relationship between groups and classes within states. Inspired by the success of Cuba, numerous peasant guerrilla movements emerged throughout Central and Latin America in attempts to challenge authoritarian regimes and alleviate poverty. Following the establishment of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam by Ho Chi Minh in 1945, the country was plunged into an eight year war with France who opposed the existence of a communist-led government in its former colony. Following the defeat of the French at Dien Bien Phu, the Geneva Accords of 1954 saw the partition of Vietnam: the north remaining under the control of the Vietnam Communist Party, while the south was controlled by the anti-communist government of Ngo Dinh Diem. In so doing, King attempts to give voice to the Vietnamese, demystifying their negative representation by his government. In contrast to the armed conflict occurring in Vietnam, King calls for domestic non-violent resistance to the war in the form of conscientious objection-a withdrawal of popular consent to be conscripted. This characterized a political system that, while it exhibited many of the features of classic dictatorships, differed in terms of the nature of power. Each country within the Soviet bloc was penetrated in varying ways by Soviet mechanisms of control, and subordinated to the interests of Soviet communism. The rule of the Communist Party in the different states of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union was facilitated economically by state ownership and central direction of the means of production, and politically by an elaborate network of spies and secret police. Second, cultural conformity and ideological consent were promoted and fostered by equating communist dogma with state truth, and state truth with political truth. All opposition to communism was, as a consequence, opposition to the state and to its political truths (and vice versa). Opposition to any was opposition to all and was dubbed variously as "anti-patriotic," "pro-imperialist" and "counter-revolutionary. Although these expressions of opposition proved unsuccessful, they were indicative of broader counter-hegemonic currents within the Soviet bloc. As Havel-a writer who was imprisoned for nine years by the Czech regime-argues, the power of the communist regime lay as much in its ability to produce consent from its citizens as from its ability to coerce them through force. That people either accepted the ideology of the system, or at least behaved as if they did, Havel terms "living within a lie. One of the many organizations that emerged throughout the Soviet bloc was the Czechoslovakia-based Charter 77 which was established by dissident writers and other professionals including Havel himself. Originally a human rights group attempting to ensure that Czechoslovakian politicians observe international law, the organization also issued position papers proposing alternative perspectives on economic, political, environmental, and social problems. For example, Charter 77 activists helped to organize the Civic Forum in 1989-the umbrella organization that coordinated the Velvet revolution that ousted the communist regime in Czechoslovakia, and saw Havel himself become President of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic. Thompson argues that the Cold War should be seen as a means by which the dominant states within each bloc controlled and disciplined their own citizens, populations, and clients, and by which those who stood to benefit from increased arms production and political anxiety. Within this geopolitical regime, nuclear weapons served to suppress the political process, substituting the threat of annihilation for the negotiated resolution of differences. However, Thompson also notes that in reality the principle threat of the Cold War was not the demonized other but rather was within each of the superpower blocs-i. These movements articulated both material challenges to superpower militarism-through direct action, underground organizations, etc. Their calls for international solidarity, rather than antagonism, were seen as a threat to the power of political elites within each bloc to determine geopolitical spheres of influence. George Konrad, a Hungarian writing during the Cold War, terms such resistances antipolitics (Reading 36). Antipolitics, as conceived by Konrad, is a moral force within civil society that articulates a distrust and public rejection of the power monopoly of the political class within the state-a power that is wielded against domestic populations through repressive legislation. It is a practice that does not seek to overthrow the state, but opposes the political power that is exerted over people. Konrad critiques Cold War geopolitics as a form of terrorism, since it enables the powerful to keep the masses dominated by the threat of nuclear annihilation. He critiques the complicity of intellectuals with the state, whose role is to manufacture ideological justifications for the prosecution of geopolitical power. In response, the project of antipolitics seeks to expose the propaganda that equates the preparation, threat or waging of war with patriotism. Moreover, it attempts to develop an internationalist solidarity, premised upon the notions of mutual co-existence, that transgresses state borders in an attempt to undermine the politics of othering upon which Cold War discourse is constructed. As discussed in Part 3, the Gulf War provided the rationale for this new discourse, which has geopolitical and geo-economic dimensions. Such representations serve to legitimize geopolitical practices that are characterized by excessive military violence, rather than negotiated settlement, when dealing with non-Western states such as Iraq. The geo-economic dimension of the new world order involves the doctrine of transnational liberalism or neoliberalism. The fundamental principal of this doctrine is economic liberty for the powerful, that is that an economy must be free from the social and political "impediments," "fetters" and "restrictions" placed upon it by states trying to regulate in the name of the public interest. These "impedi-ments"-which include national economic regulations, social programs and class compromises. This has occurred as states strive to reduce inflation and satisify demands to open their markets to transnational corporations and capital inflows from abroad. As transnational corporations have striven to become "leaner and meaner" in this highly competitive global environment, they have engaged in massive cost-cutting and "downsizing," reducing the costs of wages, health care provisions and environmental protections in order to make production more competitive. These agreements are based upon the doctrine that each country and region should produce goods and services in which they have a competitive advantage, and that barriers to trade between countries (such as tariffs) should be reduced. The resulting global competition for jobs and investment has resulted in the pauperization and marginalization of indigenous peoples, women, peasant farmers, and industrial workers, and a reduction in labor, social and environmental conditions-what Brecher and Costello (Reading 39) term "the race to the bottom" or "downward levelling. The appearance of an armed insurgency, at a moment when the Mexican economy was entering into a free trade agreement, enabled the Zapatistas to attract national and international media attention. Through their spokesperson, Subcommandante Marcos, the Zapatistas engaged in a war of words, fought primarily with communiquйs rather than bullets, giving voice to the victims of neoliberalism (Reading 38). The particular importance of the Zapatista struggle has lain in its ability, with limited resources and personnel, to disrupt international financial markets, and their investments within Mexico, while exposing the inequities on which development and transnational liberalism are predicated. Marcos articulates an alternative geography of the Mexican state of Chiapas, highlighting the exploitation of the economy, culture, and environment of the indigenous Mayan peoples and peasants to enrich national and international markets. Marcos considers Chiapas to be an internal colony within the modernizing, industrializing Mexican state. The response to this has been what Marcos terms the "wind from below"-an increasing number of peasant rebellions throughout Chiapas, and subsequently Mexico, demanding democratic and economic rights. The Zapatistas are but one example of resistances to transnational liberalism that have proliferated across the world during the past fifteen years. These have involved leftist guerrillas, social movements, non-government organizations, human rights groups, environmental organizations, and indigenous peoples movements. Frequently coalitions have formed across national borders and across different political ideologies in order to oppose transnational institutions and agreements. Such resistances are frequently responses to local conditions that are in part the product of global forces, and resistance to these conditions has taken place at both the local and the global level. In contrast to official political discourse about the global economy, these challenges articulate a "globalization from below" that comprises a "geopolitics from below"-an evolving international network of groups, organizations and social movements. Jeremy Brecher, a historian, and Tim Costello, a labor activist (Reading 39), articulate a normative agenda for such resistance, to counter and transform what they term the corporate agenda of transnational liberalism. This includes revitalizing democratic practices and public institutions, promoting economic and environmental sustainability, encouraging grassroots economic development, and holding transnational corporations accountable to enforceable codes of conduct. Such an agenda has to be enacted across local, national, and global scales if it is to be aimed at empowering popular collective action. Just as it was crucial to imagine a world beyond the geopolitics of the Cold War in order to challenge that hegemony, so Brecher and Costello argue that we must begin to imagine and create alternatives to the geo-economics of the new world order to establish an economically just and environmentally sustainable future. As a department of thought and expertise Orientalism of course refers to several overlapping domains: firstly, the changing historical and cultural relationship between Europe and Asia, a relationship with a 4000 year old history; secondly, the scientific discipline in the West according to which, beginning in the early nineteenth century, one specialised in the study of various Oriental cultures and traditions; and, thirdly, the ideological suppositions, images and fantasies about a currently important and politically urgent region of the world called the Orient. The relatively common denominator between these three aspects of Orientalism is the line separating Occident from Orient and this, I have argued, is less a fact of nature than it is a fact of human production, which I have called imaginative geography. This is, however, neither to say that the division between Orient and Occident is unchanging nor is it to say that it is simply fictional. And because the social world includes the person or subject doing the studying as well as the object or realm being studied, it is imperative to include them both in any consideration of Orientalism for, obviously enough, there could be no Orientalism without, on the one hand, the Orientalists, and on the other, the Orientals. Yet, and this is the first set of problems I want to consider, there is still a remarkable unwillingness to discuss the problems of Orientalism in the political or ethical or even epistemological contexts proper to it. This is as true of professional literary critics who have written about my book, as it is of course of the Orientalists themselves. If the first set of problems is concerned with the problems of Orientalism reconsidered from the standpoint of local issues, like who writes or studies the Orient, in what institutional or discursive setting, for what audience, and with what ends in mind, the second set of problems takes us to a wider circle of issues. These are the issues raised initially by methodology and then considerably sharpened by questions as to how the production of knowledge best serves communal, as opposed to factional, ends, how knowledge that is non-dominative and noncoercive can be produced in a setting that is deeply inscribed with the politics, the considerations, the positions and the strategies of power. In short, Orientalism reconsidered in this wider and libertarian optic entails nothing less than the creation of new objects for a new kind of knowledge. The interesting point here is how difficult it is to try to understand a region of the world whose principal features seem to be, first, that it is in perpetual flux, and second, that no one trying to grasp it can by an act of pure will or of sovereign understanding stand at some Archimedean point outside the flux. But, I discovered, this privilege was rarely allowed the Orient, the Arabs, or Islam, which separately or together were supposed by mainstream academic thought to be confined to the fixed status of an object frozen once and for all in time by the gaze of Western percipients. Far from being a defence either of the Arabs or Islam-as my book was taken by many to be- my argument was that neither existed except as "communities of interpretation" which gave them existence, and that, like the Orient itself, each designation represented interests, claims, projects, ambitions and rhetorics that were not only in violent disagreement, but were in a situation of open warfare. So saturated with meanings, so overdetermined by history, religion and politics are labels like "Arab" or "Muslim" as subdivisions of "The Orient" that no one today can use them without some attention to the formidable polemical mediations that screen the objects, if they exist at all, that the labels designate. I do not think it is too much to say that the more these observations have been made by one party, the more routinely they are denied by the other; this is true whether it is Arabs or Muslims discussing the meaning of Arabism or Islam, or whether an Arab or Muslim disputes these designations with a Western scholar. Anyone who tries to suggest that nothing, not even a simple descriptive label, is beyond or outside the realm of interpretation, is almost certain to find an opponent saying that science and learning are designed to transcend the vagaries of interpretation, and that objective truth is in fact attainable. This claim was more than a little political when used against Orientals who disputed the authority and objectivity of an Orientalism intimately allied with the great mass of European settlements in the Orient. The challenge to Orientalism and the colonial era of which it is so organically a part, was a challenge to the muteness imposed upon the Orient as object. Now it is often the case that you can be known by others in different ways than you know yourself, and that valuable insights might be generated accordingly. But that is quite a different thing than pronouncing it as immutable law that outsiders ipso facto have a better sense of you as an insider than you do of yourself. There is a flat assertion of quality, which the Western policymaker, or his faithful servant, possesses by virtue of his being Western, white, non-Muslim. Now this, I submit, is neither science, nor knowledge, nor understanding: it is a statement of power and a claim for relatively absolute authority. It is constituted out of racism, and it is made comparatively acceptable to an audience prepared in advance to listen to its muscular truths. Whereas in the past it was European Christian Orientalists who supplied European culture with arguments for colonising and suppressing Islam, as well as for despising Jews, it is now the Jewish national movement that produces a cadre of colonial officials whose ideological theses about the Islamic or Arab mind are implemented in the administration of the Palestinian Arabs, an oppressed minority within the white-European-democracy that is Israel. Underlying much of the discussion of Orientalism is a disquieting realisation that the relationship between cultures is both uneven and irremediably secular. This brings us to the point I alluded to a moment ago, about recent Arab and Islamic efforts, well-intentioned for the most part, but sometimes motivated by unpopular regimes, who in attracting attention to the shoddiness of the Western media in representing the Arabs or Islam divert scrutiny from the abuses of their rule and therefore make efforts to improve the so-called image of Islam and the Arabs. Most of these disputes testify, first of all, to the fact that the production of knowledge, or information, of media images is unevenly distributed: its locus, and the centers of its greatest force are located in what, on both sides of the divide, has been polemically called the metropolitan West. Secondly, this unhappy realisation on the part of weaker parties and cultures has reinforced their grasp of the fact that although there are many divisions within it, there is only one secular and historical world, and that neither nativism, nor divine intervention, nor regionalism, nor ideological smokescreens can hide societies, cultures and peoples from each other, especially not from those with the force and will to penetrate others for political as well as economic ends. I come finally now to the second and, in my opinion, the more challenging and interesting set of problems that derive from the reconsideration of Orientalism. One of the legacies of Orientalism, and indeed one of its epistemological foundations, is historicism, that is, the view propounded by Vico, Hegel, Marx, Ranke, Dilthey and others, that if humankind has a history it is produced by men and women, and can be understood historically as, at each given period, epoch or moment, possessing a complex, but coherent unity. So far as Orientalism in particular and the European knowledge of other societies in general have been concerned, historicism meant that the one human history uniting humanity either culminated in or was observed from the vantage point of Europe, or the West. What was neither observed by Europe nor documented by it was therefore "lost" until, at some later date, it too could be incorporated by the new sciences of anthropology, political economics and linguistics. It is out of this later recuperation of what Eric Wolf has called people without history, that a still later disciplinary step was taken, the founding of the science of world history, whose major practitioners include Braudel, Wallerstein, Perry Anderson and Wolf himself.

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Land degradation refers to the many processes that drive the decline or loss in biodiversity infection kansen buy cheap clindamycin 300 mg, ecosystem functions or services antibiotics discount clindamycin 150 mg fast delivery, and includes the degradation of freshwater and coastal ecosystems that are closely interconnected with terrestrial ecosystems medicine for uti male discount 150mg clindamycin overnight delivery. Restoration is defined as any intentional activity that initiates or accelerates the recovery of an ecosystem from a degraded state virus like chicken pox order clindamycin 150mg visa. Rehabilitation is defined as restoration activities that may fall short of fully restoring the biotic community to its pre-degradation state {1 001 bacteria buy cheap clindamycin 300mg. The geographic coverage encompasses all terrestrial regions and biomes of the world infectonator 2 hacked buy cheap clindamycin 300mg on line, excluding Antarctica, and encompasses the full range of human-altered systems, including but not limited to drylands, agricultural and agroforestry systems, savannahs and forests and associated aquatic systems. Here, land includes all the non-ocean and non-permanently ice-covered regions of the Earth, the freshwater bodies that drain them, and is defined as the terrestrial bio-productive system that comprises soil, vegetation, other biota and the ecological and hydrological processes that operate within the system {1. Actions that incorporate full and effective participation of indigenous peoples and local communities, including their knowledge in decision-making and in applying traditional systems of land use and resource management, have in many cases demonstrated solutions to avoid and reduce land degradation, recover degraded ecosystems while providing multiple benefits for the well-being of the society (well established). An operational framework, incorporating an integrated socio-ecological landscape approach, has been developed by this chapter. This framework can provide guidance on the interacting criteria most likely to deliver solutions to avoid, reduce and reverse land degradation, incorporating restoration and rehabilitation (established but incomplete). It supports policy, governance, economic, financial legal and regulatory decisions at the global to local scales {1. Rehabilitation of degraded lands has been successfully achieved in many places (well established). Successful cases of restoration or rehabilitation of formerly degraded land are presented in this chapter. These cases were selected from different systems, degradation types, parts of the world and with differing socio-ecological interactions {1. Human well-being costs, associated with land degradation, are not only monetary in nature, but include negative outcomes for health, social cohesion and impacts on local management practices (see also Chapter 5). The geographical scope of this assessment encompasses all the terrestrial regions and biomes of the world, excluding only the continent of Antarctica. This encompasses the full range of human-altered systems, including but not limited to drylands, agricultural and agroforestry systems, savannahs and forests and associated aquatic systems. This includes wetland and aquifer systems that are embedded in the land mass, to the landward side of coastal ecosystems and including saline systems. The state of wetlands is inextricably linked to actions in the drier parts of the landscape which drain into them. This scope includes the wetlands as defined within the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands, including areas of marsh, fen, peatland or water, whether natural or artificial, permanent or temporary, with water that is static or flowing, fresh, brackish or salt, and including areas of marine water, the depth of which at low tides does not exceed six meters (Ramsar, 1994). The expert team was not empowered to change these definitions or adopt other definitions. The process of the assessment revealed both strengths and limitations in the definitions, which are discussed below: Degraded land is defined as land in a state that results from the persistent decline or loss of biodiversity, ecosystem functions and services that cannot fully recover unaided within decadal time scales. Land degradation refers to the many processes that drive the decline or loss in biodiversity, ecosystem functions or services, and includes the degradation of all terrestrial ecosystems including associated aquatic ecosystems that are impacted by land degradation. A full discussion of the different perceptions and worldviews related to land degradation is available in Chapter 2. The assessment also recognizes that land degradation, including its drivers and processes, can vary in severity within regions and countries as much as between them. Restoration is defined as any intentional activity that initiates or accelerates the recovery of an ecosystem from 5 1. Rehabilitation is used to refer to restoration activities that may fall short of fully restoring the biotic community to its pre-degradation state, including natural regeneration and emergent ecosystems. It also implies that the recovery processes are slow, even if the driver of the decline has been alleviated. It is important not to confuse areas of inherently low biodiversity, ecological function, or ecosystem service with degraded areas. They may be low in productivity or biodiversity for a range of entirely natural reasons, including among others, because they are climatically too dry or too cold to support much life, have thin soils, or are naturally saline. The new terminology includes all the contributions of nature, both positive and negative, to the quality of life of humans as individuals and societies. However, doing so can result in ambiguities in quantifying and mapping land degradation or restoration. When ecosystem services, ecosystem functions and biodiversity all decline and fail to recover within ten or more years, it is clear that degradation has occurred. What can be concluded if one or more declines, but the others do not, or perhaps even increase? However, much human well-being rests on such deliberate and socially-sanctioned conversions and land uses, and it would be perverse to automatically regard them as degradation. In order to navigate the internal contradictions which, arise from the definition presented to it, this assessment makes a distinction between land transformation and land degradation. Land transformation ­ including the reverse transformation resulting from the abandonment or rewilding of formerly cultivated, settled or domestically grazed lands ­ has impacts on biodiversity, ecosystem functions and ecosystem services, some of which lead to either an increase or decrease in particular factors. Since land transformations are by definition very apparent, they can usually be unambiguously identified and mapped. Therefore, transformation is often expressed in terms of the area affected: for instance, the number of square kilometres deforested, or the percentage of wetlands restored. Within a land use or cover, persistent changes in ecosystem services, function and biodiversity can also occur. They may apply over very large areas to varying degrees and cumulatively have large consequences. Defining the affected area also requires a determination of the degree of change (severity) considered to constitute degradation. Therefore, a more meaningful indicator of impact is the integral of severity over the area, and perhaps over time as well (duration), since long-lasting effects are more important than ephemeral effects. Past failures to effectively quantify severity and duration have hampered the ability of this assessment and previous studies to quantify this perhaps most important form of land degradation. The final element in the land degradation definition is how to meaningfully combine a number of simultaneous changes of different magnitudes and even directions, into a single indicator. The ecosystem services literature uses the notion of bundles, which are groups of services that co-vary positively, to help reduce the dimensions which need to be considered (Raudsepp-Hearne et al. To date it has not been possible to satisfactorily include all aspects and values of biodiversity in this framework. Furthermore, some perspectives reject any attempt to do so on the grounds that it may be unethical (Robinson at al. As a result of the issues raised above, it is currently not possible to operationalize a land degradation definition alike the one provided to this assessment, which includes both ecosystem services and biodiversity. The compromise implemented in this assessment is to treat biodiversity and loss of ecosystem services separately where necessary, and to quantify land transformation separately from land degradation without transformation, within a land use. Definitions of degradation and restoration also require a measurement of change over time if they are to be detected and quantified. Two approaches have been used: Degradation and restoration are relative terms: "degraded relative to what? Since degradation and restoration refer to change over time, information is needed at two or more times. There is no perfect reference state for all purposes, but allowing free selection of the reference is likely to reduce comparability and increase the risk of deliberate bias. In practice, the nature of a specific data set often dictates the choice of reference state. The term baseline is defined as a reference state in the past up to the present, and is in principle verifiable by observation. It should not be confused with a target which may exist now or, more commonly, is set in the future, and whereby its achievement can only be verified at that time in the future. A target is a political choice, weighing societal, economic and ecological factors, and it can vary case by case and be revised over time. This seems to be an obvious baseline from which to assess degradation and recovery since it is before the onset of the profound modifications brought about by the rapid increases in the human population, consumption and waste production in the modern era - at which point a distinct discontinuity appears in the degree and type of disturbance. The pre-modern natural baseline has the advantage of not being easily manipulated. Several examples show it to be implementable in appropriately-selected cases, though not without challenges. Practically, it is rare to find data from so far in the past that includes all the variables needed to compare with current ecosystem condition. Proxies are commonly used, such as paleo-ecological data, which is sparse, expensive to collect and requires great expertise to interpret. Another strategy is "space-for-time" substitution, where a currently existing ecosystem in another place (for instance, a protected area) is taken to represent the pre-modern past of the human-altered ecosystem under consideration. But the climate and other biophysical environmental conditions may have changed in the intervening time, or may be subtly different at the reference location, and it is difficult to disentangle the effect of anthropogenic degradation from natural environmental change. In some cases, the ecosystem structure, composition and function which we desire to retain or achieve is inextricably a product of human actions, and in these cases considering the ecosystem without human influence makes no sense. It is typically used for purposes of restoration, though it can be applied to measure degradation as well. The target is perhaps the most important of the reference states for policy purposes, since it represents the future, and thus a state whose achievement can be influenced by policy. It is based on a deliberate, societally-informed choice and is therefore context dependent. The target may be updated over time, as societal preferences or circumstances change, or as knowledge accumulates, will generally vary from place to place. For example, the aim of restricting global mean temperature rise within 2°C of the pre-industrial mean is a target. Targets can range from being pragmatic - based on modest investments and readily available technology (such as to slow the rate of species loss) - to aspirational, an ideal outcome with little practical chance of being reached. In the former case, outcome-based metrics are usually set, whereas in the latter case effort-based metrics are more relevant. Counterfactual natural baselines avoid some of the challenges of pre-modern observation-based baselines, but they require a high level of expertise, sometimes using explicit process knowledge that constitutes a "model" of what would have happened in the absence of human effects. Some implementable examples exist: for instance, enough is known about the ecosystem dynamics of carbon to be able to state with good confidence what the soil carbon content at a site would have been under a natural cover. Baselines There are two qualitatively different types of baselines which have been used for the measurement of human-caused ecosystem degradation and restoration. The first refers to the distant past, a "natural" state before human modification. The second is a "historical" state that refers to much more contemporary states, for which we have increasingly precise data. Quantitative trend analysis sets no explicit baseline, but unavoidably uses the start of the record. Unlike natural baselines, it is accepted that historical baselines may have undergone some human-induced change prior to their establishment, and therefore provide underestimates of the totality of degradation or restoration. Particularly in the case of non-linear change (for instance, degradation which levels off at a limit), a recent historical baseline underestimates the total degradation, relative to those where it occurred before the baseline was established. The closer to the present baselines are established, the more data are available, but the less they represent the totality of degradation. The advantage of earlier references is that they allow better detection of slow changes, particularly against noisy short-term variation. Various historical baselines have been used in the land degradation and restoration domain. Their differing and sometimes arbitrary starting dates make comparisons difficult and are open to selfserving manipulation. When we are interested in the impacts of policy or management changes, a recent baseline can be used - for instance the date at which an agreement came into force. For further discussion regarding baselines and targets, and citations of the underlying literature, see Chapter 2, Section 2. Figure 1 1 Schematic diagram of various types of baselines (reference conditions) which can be used to identify degradation and restoration, and as a starting condition from which to measure trends. Pre-modern Natural baseline - the information is inferred from the current state, historical data, paleo-ecological proxies and expert opinion. Since the actual date of this state is rarely known, the derived trend is indicated by a dashed line; 2. Current state - used to measure past trends and to provide a reference for future monitoring; 4. The objective in highlighting cases is to show how land management and restoration measures can help improve livelihoods, reduce poverty and strengthen longterm sustainability of land use in different situations. To determine the approach to the selection of cases, scientific and other literature was systematically assessed (see Section 1. More specifically, this literature search was done to identify, summarize and evaluate key recurring factors and criteria which are most likely to contribute to such success and to assist in determining the success cases to be highlighted in Chapter 1. The outcome of this systematic review lends itself to the development of an operational framework (Figures 1. This framework was subsequently used to guide the choice of cases and the quantitative assessment of their success (see Sections 1. The Operational Framework may also assist with project development, implementation and assessment. The authors incorporated differing knowledge systems and worldviews (including indigenous and local knowledge), the elements of quality of life and human wellbeing, the quality of life of individuals, communities, societies, nations and humanity, and successful solutions including restoration and rehabilitation (Chapter 1). Key elements from other chapters were reviewed and incorporated, including different perceptions (Chapter 2), direct and indirect drivers (Chapter 3), status and trends of biodiversity and ecosystem services (Chapter 4), scale and trade-offs (Chapters 4 and 5), changes in ecosystem functions, human well-being and good quality of life (Chapter 5), responses to land degradation and restoration (Chapter 6), trade-offs between social, economic and environmental objectives (Chapters 4, 5, 6 and 7) and decision-support approaches (Chapter 8). Step 2: Using the aforementioned terms, a systematic literature search was conducted, incorporating the cycle of events from causes through to solutions, drawing on relevant articles, books, regional and national assessments, reports by governments, United Nations bodies, national and international non-government organisations and indigenous peoples and local community knowledge sources. Step 3: the content of the 260 references were subjected to a systematic review process to identify key recurring and common terms associated with the causes of land degradation, its impacts on human well-being and quality of life, restoration, rehabilitation, successful outcomes and solutions.

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